observe many more dead bodies dangle from road side trees.'
Most
national dailies of Bangladesh published on May 21, 2004, the gruesome
photographic testimony of brutality of Bangla Bhai, the self-proclaimed
militant fundamentalist, from greater Rajshahi area. Picture showed dead
body of Abdul Qayum Badshah (52) of the Raninagar of Naogaon district,
hanging from the branch of a tree. It has been alleged that Badshah was a
member of Sarbahara Party. The Jihadi outfit, Jagrata Muslim Janata of Bangladesh (JMJB)brutally killed him and hung his dead body from a tree to warn the anti-fundamentalists of dire consequences that anyone opposing them.
Such grisly pictures were familiar during the liberation war of 1971. The Pakistani army used to kill the Bangladeshi freedom lovers and hung their dead
bodies from the trees. They would at times hang them alive from the trees upside down and light fires below to roast living human beings. Alternatively,
they skinned them alive while hanging. Again we saw such pictures in Taliban's Afghanistan. They killed pro-communist President Najibullah and hung his dead
body publicly in Kabul. This was to demonstrate to their socialists and communist opponents what brutality the Mullah Omar's Taliban were capable of.
Now again after eight years, with Talibanist coalition Government of Bangladesh, we visited similar pictures of fundamentalist brutality.
Three days after the publication of the vicious picture of hanging dead body of Badshah an appeal was published in Daily Janakantha, under the title, 'Aro
asankhya gachhe asankhya lash jhule thakar aggei kichhu karun' (Please act before numerous more trees have innumerable more dead bodies hanging from
them). This appeal was a letter from Shafiqpur High School's Head Master Mahmud Musa, a victim himself, who wrote as follows:
'I am the Head Master of Shafiqpur High School of Rani Nagar Sub-District, Naogaon District of North Bengal. My home is also in the same village. In the
last fifteen years I built this High School on own paternal property step by step, with help of education loving public of the area and public
representatives. With persistent personal effort, and in my small way, thus I had managed propagation of education in the area. On May 8th last the JMJB
cadres attacked and razed to ground my four roomed inherited paternal living quarters. This incident was published in various national dailies on May 16th,
2004. On the same day another seventy houses were razed to the ground including that of another Head Master and an elected chairman. In these
conditions I and other member of my family have taken shelter in near by town. Before the tragedy of destruction of our ancestral house and leaving the
village could be absorbed, the JMJB cadres abducted my elder brother (Abdul Qayum Badshah) on Wednesday May 19th. The next day they killed him after
public announcement in the microphone, all over the area. Later they hung his dead body from a road side tree in the neighboring Baman village, of Nandigram
sub-district, of Bogra District. Newspaper readers have seen this picture on last May 21st. I heard that these butchers are looking for me. They will
probably kill me with similar brutality and display my dead body, if they can find me. I am also frequently hearing similar threats of life to other members
of my family. Another brother of ours has stayed back in the village risking his life, because it is now the harvesting time. They have once abducted him
and after torturing him in their camp have let him go. Our family has a well- established reputation in the area. Our family has a tradition of association
with progressive politics and culture. My father and brother both were established in literature and social work in the area. We were also trying to
perpetuate this tradition to the best of our ability. Probably that is now considered to be my family's crime and mine.
The state of Bangladesh has a government and an administration. The country has a police and an army. This area has an elected MP, who is a deputy
minister. This district also has a responsible minister. There are many human rights organizations in this country. There is a civil society. There is a
government and an opposition party. I want to earnestly appeal to all of them and their sense of responsibility and conscience. I want to let them know that
a citizen and an ordinary teacher is now dangerously threatened and is at high risk of life. Will you not come to the aid of this teacher, who is a refugee
from his own home with friends and family, due to danger to his life? Will none of you feel responsible enough to stop this medieval terror? Do these
goons who have destroyed my home and killed my brother perpetrate it in my fate to continue to see horrors? Those who are not threatened today, how are they
assured that they will not be threatened tomorrow? Who is giving them this assurance? Their silence today may turn too dangerous for tomorrow. It may be
too late then. I appeal to the government, the administration and conscientious citizen - 'Please do something'. And please do it before you
The writer of the above letter Mahmud Musa came to see me on 26th May. He came to inform me about the helplessness of his whole family. I asked him if his
murdered brother was actually connected with the 'Sarbahara Party'. Mahmud Musa said, 'May be, but I do not know.' He stated, 'Suppose my brother had
done some crime, there is a government, a police, a judicial court and law. If my brother was ordered hanged after the judicial procedure, I would have no
complaint. But who is this Bangla Bhai? Is he the court or the government? By which law has he ordered the execution of my brother?'
I asked Mahmud Musa if there were any pending cases against his brother with the police. The younger brother of the murdered confirmed that there were,
some. But he claimed them to be all false cases. For example he said there is a case with date of crime 30/2/2000. Obviously there was never a 30th
February. I asked him, what proof he had that Bangla Bhai's JMJB had killed his brother. Musa said they (JMJB) have themselves announced and the newspapers
have carried this in their report. Bangla Bhai's 2nd in command Hemayet Hussain Himu, Jamat Amir (a leading position of Jamat-i-Islami party) of
Raninagar sub-district. Muffajjal Hussain and Jamat's former worker Abul Master lead a JMJB armed gang which abducted Badshah and three others. They have hung the dead body of Badshah on a roadside tree, the other three are still missing. I asked Mahmud Musa further whether they have filed a case (FIR) in the police station. He said, 'No, not yet.' Badshah's family is out of the area due to the militant acts of Bangla Bhai. He himself is unable to go back to his
village. Additionally, police does not accept complaints against Bangla Bhai.
Police's refusal to accept complaints against Bangla Bhai is very normal. It is published in the newspapers that the Police O.C. follows around as bodyguard
of Bangla Bhai, the militant fundamentalist leader. The district A.S.P., the divisional D.I.G. are also the protectors of Bangla Bhai, hence in the greater
Rajsahi area there is no one with enough courage to complain against Bangla Bhai. Then he revealed why the fundamentalists were mad at his family. Their
family is a politically conscious family of the area. Family wise they have been associated with left movements and he once was a member of left-oriented
National Awami Party of Bangladesh. Badshah and Musa's father Abdul Kader was a participant of the Tebhaga movement. Ila Mitra personally knew Abdul Kader. His grand father Sakim Sardar and great grand father Kasim Sardar were known to Rabindra Nath Tagore and had hearty relation with him. Patisar, the famous Tagore Zamindari, skirts Raninagar area. In the Ahmed Rafiq's research paper on Tagore there is a description of Rabindranath's friendly relations with
Kasim Sardar of Raninagar. In their family they still learn and practice Rabindra Sangeet. They also have a tradition of reading modern literature.
They had family relations with Ismail Hussain Siraji. The books that police party confiscated from their house included books by Aroj Ali Matobbar and
Ahmad Safa. Musa said JMJB did not allow this year's Rabindra Jayanti celebration at Patisar. They said, 'you can't sing Rabindra Sangeet'you have
to sing Hamd and Naa't.'
Musa does not know when they will be able to go back to their home, destroyed by Bangla Bhai. Due to the terrorist activities of militant Bangla Bhai,
hundreds of people have left the area. This has been admitted by Maolana Abdur Rahman, JMJB's Amir and spiritual guru of Bangla Bhai. In an interview with
Asaduzzaman Samrat of Ajker Kagoj, Maolana Rahman explained that in the greater Rajshahi area, in seven sub-districts, in this task of suppressing 'the
Sarbaharas' they had active cooperation of Post and Telecommunication Minister Barrister Aminul Haq, Housing and PWD Deputy Minister Alamgir Kabir, Land
Minister Ruhul Quddus Talukdar Dulu and Member of Parliament Nadim Mustafa. In Bagmara, where their activities are at the peak, even M.P. Abu Hena is not
opposing their action. They are getting full cooperation of the administration. He said there is widespread support among ordinary people of
the area. In a short time they have arrested fifty people and found huge amount of weapons. More than five thousand Sarbahara have surrendered. (Ajker
Kagoj, 13 May, 2004). The atrocities of Bangla Bhai, under the shelter of two BNP ministers, three MPs and Police has become so widespread that he has not
been bothered by the arrest warrant ordered by the Prime Minister (before her departure for China). He is very safely and openly moving around in the area,
without any cover. On May 23rd last Bangla Bhai's storm troopers have marched in Rajshahi under police protection and displayed their arms. They came to the
city riding on hundreds of motor cycles and mini-buses and submitted a memorandum to the administration. The police officers have congratulated the
so-called Jihad of Bangla Bhai against the Sarbahara group.
The militant activities of Self-styled militant fundamentalist Ajijur Rahman, alias Siddiqul Islam, alias 'Bangla Bhai' are being published in Bangladeshi
national daily newspapers again since April 1st week of this year. In August of last year, militant fundamentalist organization Jamiatul Mujaheedin (JM)'s
members were in the limelight, when they attacked police to decamp with arms, ammunitions and the wireless sets. At that time reportage on their activities
continued for about 20/21 days. In January of 1999, militant fundamentalist organization Harkat-ul Jihad al Islami's (HUJI) killers were in the news when
they attacked poet Shamsur Rahman at his home. At that time Dhaka newspapers serially published story of their fundamentalist militant activities. But the
present coverage of Bangla Bhai's JMJB is more widely covered. The organization was once secret and after a few arrests 'the reportage subsided. This time
however the reportage is continuing even after eight to nine weeks and will not subside till fundamentalist militant Bangla Bhai is arrested and JMJB banned.
In 1999 and in 2003 we were stunned and frightened to know the countrywide militant fundamentalist network of HUJI and JM, respectively. Like the
underground tunnel network of a sly fox the network of these militant organizations are spread all over the country. The reason JMJB is getting more
reportage is: HUJI and JM are not open organizations, but JMJB, is. Hadn't HUJI's potential killers were not caught on January 18, 1999 while trying to
kill poet Shamshur Rahman, we would not have known about their presence in Bangladesh. Initially only three were captured who admitted their association
with HUJI. Later, based on their admission police arrested another forty eight persons of which one was South African and another Pakistani. All these facts
have been published in various national newspapers.
On 24th January, 1999, Daily Ittefaq had published, based on an investigative report, that twenty eight other prominent artists, poets and novelists were on
the hit list of HUJI. In a publication, Afghan Atlas, published from Nebraska University, USA an important research paper states, 'Bin Laden has ISI's
logistics and intelligence support. HUJI and quite a few of Pakistan's militant organizations have connection to bin Laden. HM has connection with
Dhaka based Jihadi Islami, the organization whose assignment is to recruit Bangladeshi and Indian Muslims to fight in Kashmir.' At that time the
Pakistani citizen Mohammad Sajjid and South African Ahmed Sadeq Ahmed had admitted to police that bin Laden had given them two crore Taka ( more than
300,000 US dollars) to build a Taliban-style militant group in Bangladesh. This money they had spent via 821 madrassas. (Reuters, Jan 28, 1999).
In spite of such concrete proof, police submitted such weak charge sheet, that the superior court criticized police for weak charge sheet. It has
been seen in the last seven years that whether it is JM or HUJI police arrested them when there is hue and cry in the newspapers later they submitted such weak
charge sheets that criminals were let go or released on bail. There is never any problem for them to get out of the jail. Last year the militant cadre of
JM, who were arrested red handed with arms and seditious pamphlets, they had no problem to get out of jail on April 2nd of this year. The present Inspector
General of Police has been alleged to be a collaborator of the genocidal Pakistani army of 1971 and the current Home Secretary is known to have a Jamat
connection. Thus it can be clearly surmised why to arrest or keep in custody the militant fundamentalists or to judiciously run the criminal cases against
them is not on cards for the Khaleda-Nizami government.
Whenever there have been any allegation against any activities of the militant fundamentalists, immediately the Jamat-i-Islami chief and Industries
Minister of the coalition government Matiur Rahman Nizami states that Jamat has no relation with militant fundamentalists. On last 24th May he again stated in
a news conference, 'Jamat does not have any relation with so called JMJB or Bangla Bhai. Jamat does not have any relation with Hijbut Tahrir, Hijbut
Tawheed, JM or similar organizations.' (Janakantha, 25th May 2004). On the same day at a news conference sponsored by Ekatturer Ghatak Dalal Nirmul Committee(EGDNC) and South Asia People's Union Against Fundamentalism and Communalism, Professor Kabir Choudhury said, 'On January of this year in Sylhet, at Hazrat Shah Jalal's Mazar, there was bombing and five persons were killed. In February, the powerful voice against fundamentalism, Professor Humayun Azad was attacked with machete and he survived narrowly. Again on May 21, at the same Mazar of Hazrat Shah Jalal, an attempt was made on life of the newly appointed British High Commissioner to Bangladesh. In this attack another three persons were killed and nearly hundred were injured. Even though the British High Commissioner survived the attempt on his life, he is still in the hospital. Even though the investigative reporters of Bangladesh's national dailies found
a member of the coalition Jamat-i-Islami responsible for the terrorist act, the coalition government, in an attempt to protect Jamat, has taken no action.'
The U.S. Asst. Secretary of State Christina Rocca expressed displeasure about the activities of Bangla Bhai, during her 3 day visit to Bangladesh, on
May 18th, last. She asked Jamat leader Matiur Nizami about Bangla Bhai's whereabout. (Janakantha, 20th May 2004). Obviously, before coming to Bangladesh
she must have done her homework on the related information and documents of proof in this regard. If Bangla Bhai did not have any relation with Jamat, Ms.
Rocca would not have asked Nizami about this issue, since the issue is not about his Industries Ministry, but his party Jamat-i-Islami. No one else is
expected to know better than Nizami in this regard. The chief of Jamat is an influential member of the present cabinet. Thus there is no possibility asking
Nizami under arrest and oath about his party's relation to JMJB, Jamiatul Mujaheedin or other militant organizations of Bangladesh. If such hypothetical
scenario ever happens, the close links between Nizami's Jamat-i-Islami and the Islamic extremist organizations would have been divulged in a second.
In August of last year, JM militants had a clash with police and a few were arrested, Jamat as usual said they had no connection with Jamat. Again on
May 20th of this year, Nizami repeated the same story to Ms. Rocca. But in last August all Bangladeshi newspapers had published reports about relation
between Jamat and Jamiatul Mujaheedin. When police raided the house of Montajurul Islam, the chief accused of Khetlal militant attack, the documents
they found not only had distinct proof of Jamat connection to JM but also to al Qaeda in Afghanistan. Also in August of 2003, three books written by Maolana
Masud Azhar were found in the Jamiatul Mujaheedin office in Jaipurhat. Pakistan based Jaish-e Muhammad's commander Masud Azhar's name flashed across
the newspaper headlines in the sub-continent in December of 1999, when Indian Airlines flight number IC 414 was hijacked. The Islamic extremists hijacked
the passenger plane to Afghanistan with a primary demand to release the militant leader Masud Azhar. The Indian government was forced to release him
to meet the demand of the hijackers. When he was arrested in India he had submitted in his deposition the following facts: He was born in Bhawalpur in
Pakistan on July 10th, 1968. His father was a Deobandi type strict religious person. He joined Harkatul Mujaheedin(HM) during his student days and went to
Afghanistan as a Jihadi per instruction of the organizational head Maolana Fajlur Rahman Khalil. In 1993 catching an Air Emirate flight he flew in to
Dhaka, Bangladesh accompanied by Sajjad Afghani. Then he went to Karachi but Sajjad Afghani went to India. In January 1998 he again came to Bangladesh, on
a Portuguese passport, to enter India. On January 29th he boarded a Bangladesh Biman flight to New Delhi. In February, on his way from Delhi to Srinagar he
was arrested. (www.stratmag.com/issue2nov-15/kargil.html)
At the time of Khetlal terrorist attack, Jamat declared, that the principal accused Montajurul Islam was expelled from their party two years earlier. But
according to published newspaper reports Montajurul had applied for becoming Roqan (Jamat-i-Islami's senior hierarchical position) of the Jamat and these
papers were found by the police. While Police is not admitting publicly to the news reporters any connection between Jamat and JM, they admit that diaries
found in the terrorist hideouts provide full list of workers and leaders of Jamat and Shibir.
".The following were also found during search there:
1. Election leaflets of Abbas Ali Khan, ex-Amir of Jamat.
2. An application for monetary help from Sirajul Islam, a local Beniapara madrassa student to the Jamat funding organization Baitul Maa'l.
3. A Baniapara Ahmedia Madrassa receipt book for donations received.
4. A copy of Dhaka's Bengali daily Bhrorer Kagoj dated February 13, 1995. The newspaper had the head lines in Bengali: 'Rajshahi University declared closed 'two dead in Chhatradal- Shibir clash 'more than 150 injured. 'After militant-police confrontation, police informed that in the hideout they also found:
1. Many books and publications belonging to Jamat and Shibir.
2. Monogrammed diaries of many Shibir activists.
The recent full day's investigation has yielded that the building where the militants had congregated for training was owned by Jamiatul Mujaheedin leader
Montajurul Islam. In the concerned area processions were taken out under the leadership of Montajurul, more than months before the January 20, 2003 brutal
murder of five persons in the Pir place of Begunbari sub-district. He had openly declared in these rallies that they would oppose and annihilate any anti-
Islamic activity in the area, soon after which the brutal murders were conducted. The absconding militant leader was seen in the open, hobnobbing
with the Jamat leaders and was also actively building armed JM organization. Many sources in the area inform that he regularly trained more than 100 persons
military and guerrilla tactics and warfare, in his private compound. Additionally, a letters have been found which clearly establishes Jamat and
Jamiatul Mujaheedin connections. In this letter district Jamat secretary Abdul Matin Sardar had given Montajurul Islam significant number of organizational
directives. (See Bhorer Kagaj, 2oth Aug, 2003). In all Dhaka newspapers including prestigious 'Daily Star','Prothom Alo' and 'Janakantha', in their
investigative reports have stated that the Bangla Bhai's, JMJB is the open manifestation of banned organization JM.
It has been noticed that whenever the government is under pressure from donor nations they ban the fundamentalist organizations and arrest some of
their operatives. Then soon after the banned organizations and operatives resurface under a different name, with the same activities. The jailed
activists are soon released, as usual. The jailed militants came out of prison on April 2nd, 2004. The same day's Janakantha carried the news that in
Rajshahi, under police protection, the militants attacked and mercilessly butchered a person named Babu, who was allegedly a Sarbahara activist. They
shouted slogans like, ' Nara e Takbir, Alla ho Akbar.' Since then for the next eight weeks, the news of Bangla Bhai's of JMJB has been reported in Bengali
media with clear reference of the organization's link with Jamat and Afghan Taleban. The brother of Badshah,(the Hanging dead body of May 21), Mr. Mahmud
Musa informed that Jamat's Raninagar Amir, Mufajjal Hussain was in the team of Badshah's abductors.
In the long sixty three years of Jamat-i-Islam's history, there is no example of any of their leaders ever accepting the blame/responsibility for any
of their misdeeds. In 1953 Jamat's Chief Maududi was charged with murder of thirty thousand innocent Ahmadiya in Pakistan's Lahore, after a riot in which
that many had lost their lives. Maududi was prosecuted, proven guilty and sentenced to death by hanging. Yet until today, Jamat has not acknowledged
that they were responsible for the massacre of innocents. During the Bangladesh's war of independence, Jamat-i-Islami's militant wings like Razakar,
Al Badr and Al Shams were formed simply to assist Pakistan army's perpetration of genocide, which they did in the name of protection of Islam. They tortured
and murdered the freedom fighters and intellectuals in large numbers, which were published in their own party paper
'Daily Sangram'. Now, however, they say that they were not involved in those murders but Awami League was. I had retorted to this blatant lie in a BBC
interview. I stated that if we had to assume that Nizami or Jamat were not involved in the preparation of the list of intellectuals till the last days of
1971's Bangladesh liberation war, then we had to assume that Nizami was an Awami League activist in 1971. In that context we were supposed to believe
that 'Daily Sangram' was the party paper of Awami League. This is the same daily, which published vivid details of many massacres by Al Badr of freedom
fighters with glowing tributes. And lastly, Nizami himself wrote many columns to inspire Al Badr cadres to kill the freedom fighters, in this ignoble newspaper.
There is a commonality of purpose between the Nizamis and the JMJB, JM and other Islamist fascist outfits. Every one of them has a goal to establish
an 'Islamic state' in Bangladesh like the one under the Taliban in Afghanistan, with a Koran and Shari'a based law. Where is the difference between Jamat and
these militants, in goal and ideal? It is now quite evident the main pillars of Jamat's politics are: lies, deception and slyness. When Matiur Rahman
Nizami says that he and Al Badr have no connection with 1971's mass murder of the Bangladeshi intellectuals, or Bangla Bhai or Montajurul have no connection
with Jamat 'the lies became very glaring and self-evident. If every thing is false then why does police look for Shibir activists after the bomb attack on
the British High commissioner, at Shah Jalal's Mazar in Sylhet? Why did Christina Rocca ask Nizami, and not others, 'What about ' Bangla Bhai?'
According to the psychologists, continuous lying develops into a type of mental disorder. Nizami is so much overtaken by this disorder that soon a
day may come when Nizami would say, 'I have no relation with Jamat' or may be-'I am not Nizami.'. Nizamis may think that the people of Bangladesh are fools,
as they perceived them in 1971. They claimed then that without Pakistan there would be no trace of Islam in the face of earth. In 1971, the people of
Bangladesh buried Pakistan, the beloved land of Nizami and his likes, to create Bangladesh. In 1971 also Jamat had a two member representation in the cabinet
and they jubilantly performed all the murders and atrocities. They are repeating the story, now, again. Had any one in March, 1971 envisioned that
the burial of Pakistan and Jamat would have been conducted only nine months later, in these very banks of Buri Ganga in Dhaka? The Dhaka of 1971 is now a
metropolis. The progeny of the three million martyrs and this old city are waiting eagerly and are counting the days for the upcoming disaster of Jamat.
Jamat-i-Islami of Bangladesh and the Regional Jihadi Networks By Shahriar Kabir
The genocide committed by the Pakistan army during
the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971 is no exception. Because of the scale of
the atrocities in 1971 against a civilian population of 70 million people it
has proved impossible for genocide deniers to claim that the atrocities did not
occur. Instead, they have focused on two tactics used to try to deny the
Holocaust: that the scale of the genocide was not that great, and that the
Pakistan army had no systematic policy of genocide.
Most estimates of the 1971 genocide put the death
toll between 300,000 and 3 million Bangladeshis dead, with between 200,000 to
400,000 women raped. R.J Rummel, in his book Statistics of Democide: Genocide and
Mass Murder Since 1900, puts the death toll at around 1.5 million. According to Gendercide
Watch:
The number of dead in
Bangladesh in 1971 was almost certainly well into seven figures. It was one of
the worst genocides of the World War II era, outstripping Rwanda (800,000
killed) and probably surpassing even Indonesia (1 million to 1.5 million killed
in 1965-66).
Susan Brownmiller, in her book Against
Our Will: Men, Women and Rape, puts the number of women raped by the Pakistan
military and their local collaborators, the Razakars, between 200,000 and 400,000. She
writes:
Rape in Bangladesh had hardly
been restricted to beauty. Girls of eight and grandmothers of seventy-five had
been sexually assaulted … Pakistani soldiers had not only violated Bengali
women on the spot; they abducted tens of hundreds and held them by force in
their military barracks for nightly use.
On March 25, 1971 the Pakistan
army unleashed a systematic campaign of genocide on the civilian population of
then East Pakistan. Nine months later a defeated Pakistan army left in its wake
one of the most concentrated acts of genocide in the twentieth century.
After the Bangladesh
Liberation War the government of Pakistan produced a report on the actions of
the Pakistani army during 1971 known as the Hamoodur Rahman Commission Report. While
the report acknowledged that the Pakistani army had indeed committed atrocities
in Bangladesh, it downplayed the extent of the atrocities and denied that there
was any systematic policy of genocide:
31. In the circumstances that
prevailed in East Pakistan from the 1st of March to the 16th of December 1971,
it was hardly possible to obtain an accurate estimate of the toll of death and
destruction caused by the Awami League militants and later by the Pakistan
Army. It must also be remembered that even after the military action of the
25th of march 1971, Indian infiltrators and members of the Mukti Bahini
sponsored by the Awami League continued to indulge in killings, rape and arson
during their raids on peaceful villages in East Pakistan, not only in order to
cause panic and disruption and carry out their plans of subversion, but also to
punish those East Pakistanis who were not willing to go along with them. In any
estimate of the extent of atrocities alleged to have been committed on the East
Pakistani people, the death and destruction caused by the Awami League
militants throughout this period and the atrocities committed by them on their
own brothers and sisters must, therefore, be always be kept in view.
32. According to the
Bangladesh authorities, the Pakistan Army was responsible for killing three
million Bengalis and raping 200,000 East Pakistani women. It does not need any
elaborate argument to see that these figures are obviously highly exaggerated.
So much damage could not have been caused by the entire strength of the
Pakistan Army then stationed in East Pakistan even if it had nothing else to
do. In fact, however, the army was constantly engaged in fighting the Mukti
Bahini, the Indian infiltrators, and later the Indian army. It has also the
task of running the civil administration, maintaining communications and
feeding 70 million people of East Pakistan. It is, therefore, clear that the
figures mentioned by the Dacca authorities are altogether fantastic and
fanciful.
We
demand Capital punishment to the criminal against humanity in 1971
We,
people of Bangladesh, celebrate our great Victory Day on 16th December and
Independent Day on 26th March. At the same time, we observe 14th December as
the Intellectuals Martyr Day with deep mourning.
We
are proud of our seven “Bir Shrestho” along with all Freedom Fighters. We mourn
for the Martyr who sacrificed their lives and for those women who lost their
chastity for the sake of Independent Bangladesh.
On
the other hand, “Jamati Islami” were dead against of the birth of Bangladesh
rather they fought against our Great Freedom Fighters, killed innocent Bangali,
raped young girls and women, robbed and fired as the collaborators of Paki
Army.
The
think tank of “Jamati Islami” Abul Ala Moududi and Golam Azam were giving
speech in home and abroad especially Middle East and other Muslim countries in
favour of Paki Army (whatever they were doing) and their fellow Motiur Rahman
Nizami, President of the Islami Chhatra Shongho (later it became Islami Chhatra
Shibir in Bangladesh), Ali Ahsan Muzahid, Chief of Al-Badr (this ferocious
para-military force killed the intellectuals), Kamaruzzaman (who was achieved
the notoriety as butcher and robber in that time in Sherpur) and many more
executed their mission “to protect Pakistan” (!?) by killing, raping, robbing
and handing young girls and women over their “God Father” Paki army.
We
are ashamed on watching our National Flag to be graced on that criminal’s cars
and hearing the arrogant speech of those Jamaties. Such as, in 2007, Ali Ahsan
Muzahid said “THERE IS NO FREEDOM FIGHTING OCCURRED IN BANGLADESH.
.....THERE IS NO WAR CRIMINAL IN BANGLADESH.” LATELY, ITS ACTING “AMIR” MOKBUL
HOSSAIN SAID “THERE IS NO ACTION ABOUT RECENT KILLERS THEN WHAT ABOUT KILLING
BEFORE 40 YEAR?”
The
arrogant speech of the Jamati proves that they were involved in committing the
crime in 1971. Now, if we celebrate our National Days, observe the Intellectual
Martyrs Day, mourn for the Martyrs and if we are proud of the Bir Srestho,
Freedom Fighters and the birth of Bangladesh; then what should we do about
those Jamaties?
Truth
and falsehood never go parallel. If we go for the truth, we must deny the
falsehood. Simply if we love Bangladesh, we will have to hate the enemies of
Bangladesh like those Jamaties. If we don’t want to disgrace our National Flag
once again, we have to boycott those culprits politically and socially. But as
a son of a Martyr, I do demand the capital punishment to the black sheep.
I
congratulate the Present Govt. for taking initiatives against those criminals
on trial under International Tribunal Act. Go ahead the Govt. of Sheikh Hasina,
we all patriot of Bangladesh are with you. Most importantly, Allah is with us.
Allah is always with those who are with the truth. In 1971, two supreme power
US and China were with them. But Allah was with unarmed Bangali. So we won the
war. Though we lost our beloved ones but we got our desired Bangladesh. We do
believe, we are with the truth. So victory will be ours. Uncompleted
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